Socrates Essays (1925 words) - Socratic Dialogues,

Socrates Socrates is a noteworthy and important historical figure as a philosopher, because of his and his pupils' influence on the development of the philosophical world. His teachings, famous arguments, and ideas began the outgrowth of all later western philosophies. Born in 469 BC just outside of Athens, Socrates was brought up properly, and thoroughly educated. He was raised as most Athenians; developing both physical and mental strengths. Socrates then went on to learn from Archelaus the philosopher. Here he studied astronomy, mathematics, and was introduced to philosophy, which was a new concept at the time. Archelaus taught of explanations for the world with a scientific approach. Socrates, however, turned away from this idea and created his own. He decided that instead of trying to understand the universe, a person should try to understand himself. To express his philosophy, Socrates spent his days in the marketplace of Athens, telling people of his ideas. His voice was heard, and he was soon declared to be the wisest of all men. Socrates' was skilled in the art of arguing. He developed a method by which he would win every debate. His favorite hobby was going to the marketplace and debating philosophical issues with other men in front of an audience. The result of these debates was that Socrates embarrassed the wise men in front of the crowd. This caused many to dislike him. After being named the wisest man, Socrates attempted to prove that this was not true. He debated with many men in the streets. These debates are some of his most famous argument methods. He started the discussion by stating that he knew nothing. As a result of the debate, he was able to prove that although his opponents claimed that they were wise, they knew nothing either. Socrates concluded that he really was the wisest man because unlike the others, he knew that he knew nothing. Socrates had many ideas and philosophies concerning issues other than the knowledge of oneself. These included explanations of the universe, the belief in god, and life's goals. Other, earlier philosophers, had many different interpretation for the makeup of the world. Some believed that it was made out of numbers, others thought that it was made of a single substance, or many different substances, while still conflicting philosophers theorized that everything was formed out of atoms, and even illusions. Socrates had his own, different ideas. He believed that the world was made of forms that are not within the reach of our senses, but only of our thoughts. This means, for example, that when we think of characteristics such as roundness, we only picture ideas of it like a ball or a wheel. Therefore, he assumed that we only understand specific things that participate in our lives. In his search for the inner truth of oneself, Socrates theorized the explanation to the question of what the goals of life are. He concluded that everyone tries to find the meaning of happiness and goodness in their existence. This is the purpose of life. However, true happiness comes in many forms and is disguised in a way that people spend their lives looking for goodness, but finding only the evil in which it is concealed. The only way to discover true happiness, goodness, and the right way, is to fully understand oneself. Socrates did not believe in the Greek gods or religion. He had his personal view of god. Socrates felt that there must be some form of divine power because everyone seemed to believe in some kind of god and religion. He also believed in a sort of immortality. He hypothesized that there was an afterlife. His explanation for it was that people who had achieved goodness in their lives knew where they were going afterwards, and that evil people tried to ignore the fact that immortality existed. He preached that the soul was a person's true being, and that our goodness in life reflected on the goodness of our souls. According to Socrates, each individual should try to make his soul as moral as possible so that it can be like god, which will allow the achievement of an afterlife. Debating in the marketplace of Athens was not Socrates' only daily activity. He also taught his philosophies to a group of students in a small classroom. These students were much like disciples. They respected and followed in the philosophies of their teacher. Socrates' most famous pupil, Plato, went on to become a great philosopher like his mentor. Socrates lived through and fought in

Multiculturalism in Canada

Multiculturalism in Canada Introduction Canada as a nation has incorporated people from various backgrounds and ethnic diversities. In addition, the Canadian government has played its role in motivating and fortifying the coexistence of the different cultures present in Canada.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Multiculturalism in Canada specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Multiculturalism is suggested to have started in England and French nations; however, in Canada, the multiculturalism policy has incorporated the various diversities of Canadians by upholding social integration in terms of active participation in social, cultural, political, and economic activities. In the modern time, these activities are facilitated by the modern technology through the internet (Sugimoto University of Toronto 1). In Canada, multiculturalism concept pervades in the day-to-day life despite its meaning varying significantly in relation to its context. In the 1987 report which was referred to as Multiculturalism: Building the Canadian Mosaic, multiculturalism was defined as â€Å"recognition of diverse cultures of a plural society based on three principles: we all have an ethnic origin (equality); all our cultures deserve respect (dignity) and cultural pluralism needs support (community)†. In 1989, a government pamphlet published to educate the public on Multiculturalism act defined multiculturalism in a simpler manner by describing it as the daily working and living undertaken by Canadians in their day-to-day life (Sugimoto University of Toronto 5). History of multiculturalism Multiculturalism in Canada was not an official policy until in 1971, it has however been identified as a historical and social fact since the Canadian West settlement. The Canadian government had vigorously started promoting large-scale immigration during the nineteenth century second half. The sole aim of the immigration was to undertake development of the unsettled land and in particular in the Canadian West. As the Ontarian and French-Canadian migrants moved towards the west, some European groups also followed suit among which the Icelanders were part of. The groups were convinced to stay in Canada with the promise of attaining large tracts of land for their settlement as well as the promise of their culture and language been preserved (Neijmann 357). It took the First World War to initiate Canada into an era of strongly increased nationalism and self-awareness. High expectations surrounded the emerging Canadian nation that would include the best of Europe’s past. Publications in 1938 were used to enlighten the Canadian population on their cultures and customs (Neijmann 358).Advertising Looking for research paper on canada? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The revolutionary ethnic revival of the 1960s slowly took roots following a widespread of equality calls by the social movements. In Canada wave of Quebecois nationalism had begun sweeping the country and was led by Charles de Gaulle. This wave promoted an increase of awareness of Canadians of different backgrounds. These Canadians felt that it was their right to have their cultural preservations to be officially recognized. It was this time that Canada’s unity was considered to be invested in its diversity and its cultural reality was in fact a mosaic. The report that was published in 1969 on The Cultural Contributions of the Other Ethnic Groups by the royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism was used by the Canadian government to announce a policy of multiculturalism in 1971. From that year on, numerous boards have been established as well as provision of funds by the government in order to promote multiculturalism. In spite of generating a debate, it is now desirable and possible to have pride in one’s heritage of culture, immigrant background and above all take pride in voicing this pride in the public domain (Neijmann 358). The identification of forms and social cohesion of immigrants and minority communities that are racialized is normally a response that is complex in nature attributed to numerous factors. This therefore indicates that the state mediates them as well as its cultural practices. The mediation is undertaken by reality of exclusion and discrimination. The two mediations are indicated in the first and second faces of multiculturalism in Canada. The policy on multiculturalism has helped the state to undertake substantial steps in determining the nature of state and minority coexistence in a liberalized tradition that enhances equality and promotes communities’ social cohesion (Nelson Nelson 416). Multiculturalism in modern Canada In the modern Canada, social networks and connections are at the core of the integration system of Canadian community. The urban areas are comprised of mixed ethnic groups; this mak es it increasing difficult to create stocks of social capital as compared to rural areas that are less diverse. According to Dickerson et al, diverse community individuals in one way or the other reveal less trust in others as well as possess less willingness to integrate with their society. This therefore means that urban residents have a high possibility of isolating themselves from the rest of the community especially in societies whose diversity is high. The issue of integration of diverse cultures and immigrants is not a simple subject to address.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Multiculturalism in Canada specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In Canada, multiculturalism policies have assisted cultural groups in overcoming the difficulties that prevent them from integrating fully into the community. Assistance has been established is ensuring one of the two official languages is learnt thereby making it the corner stone of the policy. Canada has one of the highest levels of per capital immigration in the world. The 2006 census indicated that for every five Canadians that are born one is normally a foreign born. The fact that 95 percent of the immigrants normally settle in urban areas means that national unity and integration are the dominant issues in the political domain (Dickerson et al 55 56). According to Good, StatsCan predicted that by 2017 with the ongoing trend of immigration, the percentage of visible minority Canadians will have grown to 19 to 23 percent up from the 16.2 percent recorded during the 2006 census. The statsCan report also noted that immigration was the critical factor that will reflect the rise in population of Canada’s visible minority. From a policy dimension, the impact of multiculturalism will strongly depend on its ability to undertake ethno cultural diversity that is brought about by immigrant cultural practices. Although extensive research is stil l needed to comprehend the existing relationship between immigrant integration and public policies, the research on multiculturalism that has already been undertaken clearly indicates that success has been achieved so far in immigrant and ethnic integration (Good 9). According to Wilson and Dissanayake, the practice and discourse of multiculturalism has been an integral operation of administrative normalization. This is because various types of traditions are indicated as necessarily contradictory which means that there is need for regulation. The state extends its power by identifying these traditions as norms that need to be embraced and managed. In the last two decades update forms of production and deregulation have resulted to countless movement of people, commodities and as well as capital across different nation’s borders (Wilson Dissanayake 219).Advertising Looking for research paper on canada? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Conclusion In Canada, the Pierre Trudeau’s Liberal government undertook the multiculturalism policy in 1971. This was attributed by the report of Royal commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, which was portrayed by a cross section of the people as putting much of its efforts on English-French issues that had little significance to other elements that have an impact in the Canadian population. In 1982, multiculturalism was also given recognition in section 27 of â€Å"Canada’s Charter of rights and freedom†; the Charter was to be interpreted as in a way that will be â€Å"consistent with the preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians† (Dewing and Leman Para. 17). The conservative government of Brian Mulroney passed the multiculturalism act in the year 1988 and later on established a department of multiculturalism. The functions of this multiculturalism department were later transferred to Department of Canadian heritage. In the modern time, multiculturalism is a different entity of program in the department of Canadian Heritage. One of its major functions is to extend grants to ethnic societies associations for their numerous types of public discussions, cultural performances, French and English training and above all integration into the Canadian community. The main objective declared by Multiculturalism in line with their Canadian Heritage is to prevent nourishment of different identities but rather to assist immigrants develop their lives in Canada by ensuring their own cultural heritage is part and parcel of the mainstream of the social Canadian Community. The various usage of multiculturalism, has led to uncertainty among the Canadian citizens on what the concept really means. Dewing, Michael and Leman, Marc. â€Å"Canadian Multiculturalism.† Parliamentary information and Research Service. 16 March 2006. 03 April 2011. https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ Dickerson O. M et al. An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach. Toronto: Nelson Education Ltd. 2010. Good, Kristin. Municipalities and multiculturalism: the politics of immigration in Toronto and Vancouver. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 2009. Neijmann, Daisy. The Icelandic voice in Canadian letters: the contribution of Icelandic-Canadian Writers to Canadian Literature. Carleton: Carleton University Press. 1997. Nelson, Charmaine and Nelson, Antoinette C. Racism, Eh? a critical inter-disciplinary anthology of race and racism in Canada. Ontario: Captus Press Inc. 2004. Sugimoto, Sayaka and University of Toronto. Multiculturalism: A discourse analysis of the Citizenship and Immigration Canada and Canadian Heritage websites. Ottawa, Heritage Branch.2008. Wilson, Rob and Dissanayake, Wimal. Global/local: cultural production and the transnational imaginary. NY: Duke University Press. 1996.

Current officila drug policy confused Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Current officila drug policy confused - Essay Example Later the Office of the National Drug Control Policy was set up by President Reagan and its powers heightened by President Clinton. The cost of the drug abuse and control effort has been running in hundreds of millions of dollars. (Blumenson & Eva 2002, p.34). There existed very high stakes efforts, at least going by the senior US administration decree that drugs were outlawed in the US. But as fate and private revelation would put it, some government official were also secretly participating in the vice by either funding, trafficking or facilitating its production. Earlier evidence pointed to the Iran links. The money from these was allegedly being used to fund the US foreign policy interest in some specific countries such as in Afghanistan. Some states like the California are on record for passing bills to allow for the use of cannabis as natural medicine, a move that put the law and medicine at logger heads. (Hitz 1998, p.65) In the US, even possessing a pharmaceutical drug for use for non- medical purposes is considered a felony. Today cannabis is number four on the list of the most causes of apprehension in US. But further interesting statistics show that most of these arrests are racially biased. More black and Hispanics were targeted, yet it is estimated that equal numbers and potential offenders. Outside the US territory, there have been ‘proactive’ steps towards the war on drugs with the notable invasion of Panama two decades ago, whereby its head of states was accused of being as the ring leader of the vice. Curiously still, when two groups in Columbia were positively identified to be participating in drugs, the US is reported to have sided with one and financed it to attack the other militarily. And while these two groups fought, the paramilitaries seemed to be busy engaging in the illicit vice. Sometimes back in 1986, there were strong sentiments of the Central Intelligence Agency dr ug related involvement to the extent that money from the trade was use to arm the agency. Worst news was still to come in 1988, when a senate committee reported that some member were involved in the drug menace to the extent of either financing or accepting help from the dealers themselves. Again once some traffickers were jailed, instead of the frozen funds being used to fund humanitarian effort; there was leaked evidence that these would be used to fund other dealers. (Cockburn & Jeffrey 1998, p.56) Gary Webb (1996) gave further indication of how drugs were trafficked to L. Angeles for purchase of weapons amidst strong denials by some quotas. The Wall street Journal ( January 1997) also hinted that Bill Clinton was actively trying to conceal the vice knowingly, and that he was known and in contact with one of the chief architects Barry Seal who operated an airstrip. As fate would have it, the same Barry Seal somehow finds himself a job at the CIA! And having been frustrated by senior administrator above him, A CIA Gen. Fredrick Hitz produced documentary evidence that was to attest to the fact surrounding obstructed justice, abetting of

Heavy Metal and Society Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Heavy Metal and Society - Essay Example However, to "metalheads" themselves this perception seems absolutely inadequate, because heavy metal is both a message to society and a suggestion of a different type of order. If we try to look at heavy metal as an artistic movement we will see that it is communicating something with its loud, socially-unacceptable, hedonistic and barbarian sound. It does not aim for consonance, it has always had the most distorted and aggressive vocalists and its instrumentation has always been basic. Heavy metal has embraced everything that we normally don't think about socially: death, ugliness, terror, disease, warfare, sodomy. The type of heavy music, which is generalized as "heavy metal", is much larger than this only genre - it has a long history of four decades of progress and contains many different genres (Walser 15). Heavy Metal. Progressive rock from the late 1960s started the genre of heavy metal. It emerged from the proto-metal of bands like "King Crimson", "Black Sabbath", "Led Zeppelin", "Deep Purple" (often called hard rock bands). The musicians of "Black Sabbath' used power chord riffing and dark modalities to express the paranoid nihilism. The band became a proto-metal band with morbid, yet, as fans say, poetic songs. Soon this kind of music solidified into a 1970s style of heavy metal most notably represented by "Iron Maiden", 'Judas Priest" and "Motorhead". Unlike the harmony-based, short-cycle riffs of rock, metal almost exclusively used moveable power chords, which can be played in any position along the neck of the guitar in quick sequence. So, riffs are written as phrases (like classical, or jazz) more than rhythmic variations built around open chords. This both simplified the music to the point where it was highly accessible, and gave it a dark sound which lent itself, as in class ical composition, toward a narrative song structure in which riffs form motifs that resolve themselves over the course of a song. It had a gnarled, feral sound against a background of then everyday music. Speed Metal. In the early days of the cold war, speed metal arose to reflect the apocalyptic consciousness gripping heavy metal after fusion with antisocial and anarchistic hardcore punk. Bands influenced by the progressive styles of the 1970s and the abrupt, droning, explosive style of hardcore began making a fast type of metal which used palm muting as a strumming technique to produce bursts of alternating rhythmic emphasis. Classic speed metal bands are "Metallica", "Megadeth", "Slayer", "Anthrax" (these four are also sometimes called "Big Four of Thrash"), "Testament", and "Prong". Topics like war, pollution, nuclear weapons and corporate domination were sung of in either a male bass vocal or shouted in a riot style chorusing. While this music was highly complex and often inventive in structure, it remained roughly under the influence of rock-based mainstream music and passed its technique on to the underground death metal, thrash and grindcore to follow. Thrash. When hardcore and metal collided thrash emerged as a fusion of punk song stylings with metal riff styles and topics. These were one- and two-riff creations on the subject of apocalyptic and political nature. Vocals were shouted in a high-speed manner, the speed and abrupt percussive guitar techniques of the genre laid the foundation of death metal playing. Thrash remained

Productivity & Process Improvement for EMC Research Paper

Productivity & Process Improvement for EMC - Research Paper Example 2. According to the Japanese concept of muda or waste, the seven wastes in modern production processes relate to the following areas: (1) Transportation (2) Waiting (3) Inventory (4) Motion (5) Over-production (6) Over-processing and (7) Defects (Wilson, 2009). I would therefore look at improving the processes or reducing time, space and money spent in these areas. B. For the purpose of this project I propose that we concentrate on lean manufacturing as a fixed set of targets of objectives to be achieved. The Excellent Manufacturing Company is a business enterprise that is a division of National Building Supply, itself a subsidiary of RedMag, an international conglomerate of diversified products. It produces cabinet hardware, decorative hardware, fasteners and other construction tools and elements that are used in the building industry. The production manager has set a productivity improvement target of 8 percent for the various departmental managers and the enterprise as a whole for the year. D. Since there are four main steps: (1) inspecting the manufactured parts; (2) separating the defective ones from the good ones (3) assembling the parts and (4) packing and shipping or warehousing them, automating the process of manufacture so that only good pieces are produced will automatically reduce wastage and defects. F. Automating the process through exact, zero defect manufacturing techniques may increase costs in the short run but would save on salaries and other overheads and increase productivity and reduce wastage in the long run. It is a sure fire way to increase productivity by 8 percent or more in every department where automation and defect reduction is possible. It can be seen that as the number of processes in the Plasti-brack manufacturing department are not too many, some of these can be eliminated by concentrating on capital intensive zero defect

Elections Are A Major Institutional Pillar Politics Essay

Elections Are A Major Institutional Pillar Politics Essay Elections are a major institutional pillar of liberal democracy. They are the dominant element of political process as they provide the platform for exercising the basic rights of the people associated with democracy freedom of speech, association, choice and movement and the like. They also form the individuals rights of participation in the political process. For the masses they are the opportunity to make the political leaders accountable for their stewardship during the time they were in power, as well as subject to their power as the final sovereign of the country. An election is a competition for office based on a formal expression of preferences by a designated body of people at the ballot box.  [1]  As Yogesh Atal had observed, elections computes public opinion.  [2]  Therefore, elections signify the power of the people and provide legitimacy to the authority of the government. On the importance of elections, Norman D. Palmer, has observed: Elections are particularly conspicuous and revealing aspect of most contemporary political systems. They highlight and dramatize a Political System, bringing its nature into sharp relief, and providing insights into other aspects of the system as a wholeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Ã‚  [3]   Popular elections are at the heart of representative democracy. And, that holding periodic election is the hallmark of representative democracy based on the active interest of the people. The functioning of democracy demands maximum involvement and participation of the masses in democratic process of the country.  [4]  These are the central democratic procedure for selecting and controlling leaders.  [5]  Elections are episodes of political action during which the preferences of citizens and the conduct of politicians, based on their past agency record and their prospective promises, intersects and interact.  [6]  In the opinion of Robert A. Dhal, the election is the central technique for ensuring that government leaders will be relatively responsible to non-leaders.  [7]  The political class sees elections as an opportunity for renewing their mandate to exercise legitimate power. In this sense, elections constitute a vital bridge linking the masses to the political c lass.  [8]  In addition, growing commitment to democratic elections is also an affirmation of a growing popular commitment to the rule of law.  [9]  Democracy, particularly, its liberal version, may be defined as a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realms of citizens, acting indirectly through competition and cooperation of their elected representatives.  [10]   In fact, elections in a democratic system of governance provide the voter with a meaningful choice of candidates, and are distinguished by several characteristics, including a universal franchise, a secret ballot, the involvement of political parties, contests in every, or almost every, constituency and campaigns regulated by strict and fair rules.  [11]  This implies extensive competition for power; highly inclusive citizenship and extensive civil and political liberties. Also, in-between elections, citizens must be able to influence public policy through various non-electoral means like interest group associations and social movements, which invariably involve cooperation and competition among citizens.  [12]   The use of elections in the modern era dates to the emergence of representative government in Europe and North America since the 17th century.  [13]  Modern democracies are typically based on representative models in which citizens elect their representatives to govern and frame policies on their behalf. Full democracies are those systems in which there are universal suffrage, regular elections, an independent judiciary, relatively equal access to power for all groups, and extensive civil liberties that are combined with protection for minorities and disadvantaged groups.  [14]   The developments and want for electoral democracy across societies are quite fascinating. Indeed, some twenty-five years ago there were only about thirty-five democracies across the world, most of them being wealthy and industrialized nations, particularly in the West. Today, the number has grown to about 120. Huntington (1999) argues that at least thirty countries turned democracies between 1974 and 1990;  [15]  while Diamond (1997) takes Freedom House data to show that that the number of democracies increased from 39 in 1974 to 118 in 1996.  [16]  Consequently, and more precisely, democratic government out-numbered all other governments. Jaggers and Gurr (1995) claim that the proportions of the democracies rose from 27 percent in 1975 to 50 percent in 1994.  [17]   It is assumed by critics that many of the new democracies are being hollowed out.  [18]  The effect is the spread of electoral democracy where political parties battle for control of government through comparatively free and fair election;  [19]  but not liberal democracy with an effective rule of law behind individual and minority freedoms and protections.  [20]  A claim to liberal democracy may serve to legitimize state authority nearly everywhere, but the reality falls far short of the global triumph of liberal democratic government. The remarkable consensus concerning the legitimacy of liberal democracy served as the premise of Fukuyamas thesis on the end of history.  [21]  Doubts about the quality of new democracies imply that the new democracies may enshrine democratic principles that fail to operate in practice, and that the populations do not therefore enjoy liberal democratic freedoms. Defining electoral politics Though psephologist and scholars often make use of the term electoral politics, the phrase is, very rarely defined accurately. Still, as term in common political discourse goes, this is, in particular, not vague or elastic. The definition that follows is partly descriptive; that is to say, it is designed to reflect what most people seem to mean when they use the term and to suggest what the term ought to. The word election is of Latin origin and is derived from the root eligere. Election literary connotes, the public choice of person for office. It may be regarded as a form of procedure recognized by the rules of an organization, whereby all or some of the members of the organization choose a smaller number of persons or one person to hold office of authority in the organization.  [22]  According to Websters dictionary, election means the act or process of choosing a person for an office, position or membership by voting. An election, as William B. Munro (1926) writes long ago, consists of a regular series of events.  [23]  These events differ from political system to another as provided by the respective legal provisions of that particular system, but always include voter registration, nominations of candidates, seeking access to the electorate, voters preferences and the like. It is a formal act of collective decision that occurs in a stream of connected antecedent and subsequent behaviour.  [24]  Elections are the principal mechanism by which the citizens hold government accountable, both retrospectively for their policies and more generally for the manner in which they govern.  [25]  Hence, it can be said that electoral politics is the study of the political process, involved in the electoral process, ranging from the nomination of candidates to the final outcome of an election and can be conceptualized as a set of activities, in strategic cooperation between numerous participants in t he electoral process. This naturally involves the study of campaign strategies (the electoral behaviour), and the mobilisation of resources by political parties and the candidates; the role of youth power, organised groups and influentials. In simple terms, electoral politics is s an index of popular consciousness, articulation and participation of the electorate in the decision  [26]  of the society. Electoral politics seeks to analyze the major features in the conduct of elections, democratic or otherwise, and the process involved therein to ascertain electorate opinion of a given geographical area. It is through election that political preferences of the electors are expressed and ordered. The process of electoral politics presents the electors with a decision task that requires a particular choice between the contending candidates. Thus it may be said that electoral politics, is a means of translating the popular will into an elected assembly.  [27]  But at the same time it must be conceded that elections are clumsy instruments of choice.  [28]  In such circumstances, the study of election and electoral system has been a continuing source of interdisciplinary conflict, largely between political scientist s and sociologists.  [29]   The Review of Literature: There is considerable body of theoretical and empirical literature on elections and its allied discipline, in both the developed and developing democracies, that identifies several functions performed by elections in liberal democracies. A brief history of the literature available so far is examined in the pages that follow: Scholarly studies of electoral politics have a long and vibrant history. Most works on electoral politics primarily focus on voting behavior. The 1940s saw the birth of scientific use of survey research to examine academic voting research in the study of electoral politics. Under the direction of Paul Lazarsfeld, the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University interviewed a probability sample of Erie County, Ohio, during the Roosevelt-Wilkie presidential race.  [30]  The findings of the study were published in the book titled The People Choice.  [31]  The authors determine why people vote as they do focusing mainly on social groupings, religion, and residence. They argue that people tend to vote with their groups, and to that extent people take longer time to arrive at voting choice. Later, a second panel study conducted by the Columbian School in 1948 provided a more influential book, Voting.  [32]  It examines the factors that make people vote the way they do based on the famous Elmira Study, carried out by a team of skilled social scientists during the 1948 presidential campaign. It shows how voting is affected by social class, religious background, family loyalties, local pressure groups, mass communication media, and other factors. The work of Lazarsfeld and his Columbia colleagues demonstrated the rich potential of election surveys as data for understanding campaigns and elections. The next, and even more important, advance in election studies emerged in the following decade at the University of Michigan.  [33]  It created the most significant milestone in the whole tenet of electoral research, The American Voter.  [34]  It explored the so-called psychological model, in its study explaining peoples political choices; and found out how people voted were mainly their party identification. The work established a baseline for most of the scholarly debate that has followed in the decades since.  [35]  However, political scientist like V.O. Key  [36]  attacked this work, in which he famously asserted, voters are not fools. Key argues against the implications of Campbell et al.s book, and Converses later addition,  [37]  about the ignorance and unreliability of American voters. He analyzed public opinion data and electoral returns to show what he believed to be the rationality of voters choices as political decisions rather than responses to psychological stimuli.  [38]   In the years that followed, Nie, Verba, Petrocik  [39]  presents one of the best treatments on the subject in the form of The Changing American Voter. It analyzes and evaluates the changes which have taken place since the publication of The American Voter. The resultant is that electorate has both responded and contributed to the major political shifts of the 60s and 70s; it depicts how and why by citing substantial statistics and figures. However, this argument finds many critics. Among them, Smith  [40]  posits a more bleak political landscape in which the typical voter knows little about politics is not interested in the political arena and consequently does not participate in it. To support this view, Smith demonstrates how the indices used by Nie, Verba, and Petrocik during the 1960s were methodologically flawed and how a closer examination of supposed changes reveals only superficial and unimportant shifts in the ways voters have approached the ballot box since the 195 0s. Miller and Shanks  [41]  in their study, presents a comprehensive analysis of American voting patterns from 1952 through the early 1990s, with special emphasis on the 1992 election, based on data collected by the National Election Studies. It also presents a unique social and economic picture of partisanship and participation in the American electoral process. Michael S. Lewis-Beck  [42]  re-creates the outstanding 1960 classic, The American Voter, by following the same format, theory, and mode of analysis as the original in the form of The American Voter Revisited. It discovers that voting behaviour has been remarkably consistent over the last half century and quite surprisingly, the contemporary American voter is found to behave politically much like voters of the 1950s. Across the Atlantic, the study of electoral behaviour was no less momentous. A number of scholars and researcher, alike took up the topic in academic research till date. Butler and Stokes  [43]  offer an explaination of British voting behaviour since 1945 with greater emphasis on sociological and historical factors and on changes at the macro and elite level. Harrison  [44]  provide a detailed explanation of how the British political system came to acquire the form it has today by analysing topics such as civil liberties, pressure groups, parliament, elections and the parties, central and local government, cabinet, and monarchy. Birch  [45]  provides a comprehensive account of British political institutions, of the way in which they operate, and of the society in which they developed. Pugh  [46]  present an insightful survey of changes in British politics since the election of 1945 and examines Labour Partys evolution into a national rather than sectional party. David Powell  [47]  examine British politics on the eve of war, the author assesses the impact of war on the parties and the political system and the process of realignment that followed in the interwar period. Hough and Jeffery  [48]  present a comparative perspective on the new dynamics of electoral competition following devolution to Scotland and Wales. It brings together leading experts on elections, political parties and regional politics from Britain, Europe and North America to explore the dynamics and interactions of national and regional arenas of electoral competition. Johnston and Pattie  [49]  analyses the dynamics of electoral behaviour into its geographical context. They show how voters and parties are affected by, and in turn influence, both national and local forces. Kavanagh  [50]  analyse the methods of political choice and decision-making in electoral democratic institutions. The focus throughout is on key topics of voting behavior, election rules, the media, election pacts, and the consequences of elections. Wolfinger and Rosenstone  [51]  present an assessment of the sociological, motivational, and political factors that account for variation in electoral participation. Lupia and. Harrop and Miller  [52]  examine competitive electoral systems as well as non-competitive ones. McCubbins  [53]  present an impressive treatment of one of the most important issues in democratic theory: the individuals inability to make fully informed decisions. It redefines the research agenda in democratic theory and information and also intends to lay foundations of a new theoretical approach to institutional design Bendor, Diermeier, Siegel and Ting  [54]  provides a behavioral theory of elections based on the notion that all actors, that is, both politicians as well as voters are only bounded rationally. The theory constructs formal models of party competition, turnout, and voters choices of candidates and the like. These models predict substantial turnout levels, voters sorting into parties, and winning parties adopting centrist platforms. Bogdanor Butler  [55]  analyses the main electoral systems of modern democracies, and places them in their institutional and historical context. Diamond and Plattner  [56]  addresses electoral systems and democracy comparing the experiences of diverse countries, from Latin America to southern Africa, from Uruguay, Japan, and Taiwan to Israel, Afghanistan, and Iraq. As the number of democracies has increased around the world, a heated debate has emerged among experts about which system best promotes the consolidation of democracy. Diamond  [57]  sets forth a distinctive theoretical perspective on democratic evolution and consolidation in the late twentieth century. These include strong political institutions, appropriate institutional designs, decentralization of power, a vibrant civil society, and improved economic and political performance. Courtney  [58]  argues that elections are governed by accepted rules and procedures of the political system and it is important for citizens to understand their own electoral system. Sawer  [59]  presents an edited volume on Australian electoral history providing a broad commentary on continuing democratic challenges. Roberts  [60]  provides explanations and analysis of the German federal electoral system; discusses the role of electoral politics in relation to political parties and to the public. Lindberg  [61]  studies elections as a core institution of liberal democracy in the context of newly democratizing countries. He gathers data from every nationally contested election in Africa from 1989 to 2003, covering 232 elections in 44 countries, argues that democratizing nations learn to become democratic through repeated democratic behavior, even if their elections are often flawed. Cowen Laakso  [62]  presents electoral studies of multi-party politics in 14 African countries during the 1990s. Hesseling  [63]  offers theoretical and historical assessments of election observation and evaluates policies and their implementation in specific case studies. Diamond and Plattner  [64]  examines the state of progress of democracy in Africa at the end of the 1990s. The past decades third wave of democratization, the contributors argue, has been characterized by retreats as well as advances. Piombo and Nijzik  [65]  in their edited work give an account of democratic elections in South Africa since April 1994 after her liberation. Norris  [66]  analyses whether there are legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy world-wide; or are there political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government. It shows how citizens in contemporary democracies relate to their governments. Later on, Norris  [67]  focuses on democratic deficits, reflecting how far the perceived democratic performance of any state diverges from public expectations Popkin  [68]  concludes that voters make informed logical choices by analyzing three primary campaigns Carter in 1976; Bush and Reagan in 1980; and Hart, Mondale, and Jackson in 1984 to arrive at a new model of the way voters sort through commercials and sound bites to choose a candidate. Powell  [69]  argues that elections are instrumental in linking the preferences of citizens to the behaviour of policymakers His empirical findings prove that if this is taken as the main function of democratic elections the proportional vision and its designs enjoyed a clear advantage over their majoritarian counterparts in using elections as instruments of democracy.  [70]  Brennan and Lomasky  [71]  offer a compelling challenge to the central premises of the prevailing theories of voting behavior. Niemi and Weiberg  [72]  present collection of essays that explore some of the controversies in the study and understanding of voting behavior. Caplan  [73]  takes a persistent look at how people who vote under the influence of false beliefs ultimately end up with government that delivers miserable results. LeDuc, Niemi and Norris  [74]  in their edited volume provide a broad theoretical and comparative understanding of all the key topics associated with the elections including electoral and party systems, voter choice and turnout, campaign communications, and the new politics of direct democracy. Zuckerman  [75]  in his edited volume uses classic theories to explain individuals political decisions by a range of political scientists; advances theory and method in the study of political behavior and returns the social logic of politics to the heart of political science. Cox  [76]  employs a unified game-theoretic model to study strategic coordination worldwide that relies primarily on constituency-level rather than national aggregate data in testing theoretical propositions about the effects of electoral laws. Norris  [77]  gives a masterpiece of synthesis, original theorizing, and empirical analysis of an impressively large number and variety of cases. This book looks at public opinion data linking attitudes, party choices, and electoral systems in ways that the game theory literature usually fails to come to grips with. Norris combines institutional and survey data from 32 widely different countries to assess the possibilities and limitations of implanting democracy through institutional engineering. Franklin  [78]  demonstrate how voter turnout can serve as an indicator of the health of a democracy, and concludes that declining turnout does not necessarily reflect reductions in civic virtue or increases in alienation. Dalton  [79]  introduces the reader to the knowledge we have of comparative political behavior, and the implications of these findings. The analyses focus on the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and France in a broad cross-national context. Dalton offers the theory that the quality of citizen politics is alive and well whereas the institutions of democracy are in disarray. Further, Dalton  [80]  documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. It traces the current challenges to democracy owing to changing citizen values and rising expectations. The author finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fueling demands for political reform. Prysby and Books  [81]  examines how and why individual political behavior can be influenced by various contextual characteristics of the locality in which the individual resides, an

Pride and Prejudice by Jane Austen Essay -- creativity, liveliness of m

Grappling with "Creative Block" My mind is at times a broken record devoid of nuance. But when I walk outside into the morning sunlight today, the air tastes like smoke. That minute difference jostles my mind. In that moment, I, no longer preoccupied with internal tensions, savor the spirited atmosphere of people hurrying about, the underlying brick road and overlying partly cloudy sky. I hurry to preserve these thoughts, as I feel the inspiration already evaporating from my grasp. Dong! Dong! Dong! The gong reverberates to rhythmic drum beats. The majestic lions' eyes slowly open, and their ears and feet twitch languidly. Da-da dum. Da-da dum. Da-da dum... Da, Da da, Da dum, Da Dum, DA DUM! Inside each lion, two dancers spring to life and explode with power and energy. In the background, instrumentalists conduct drums, cymbals, and a gong into an unstoppable, steady rhythm that elicit the lions' liveliness. Da, Da, Dum. Da, Da da, Dum. The lion heads sweep down toward the floor in a circular motion and punctuate the air with its presence, warding away evil spirits. Acrobatic martial arts moves, such as "towers" that involve one dancer lifted on top of another, elicit excited gasps from the audience. Lions then prowl among audience members in "low walk," their noses muzzling surprised faces and eyes blinking ferociously. To summon good luck and fortune, lion dancers shower the audience with lettuce at the end of the performance. Even as the lions run across the stage in "high walk" and crumble into sleepiness once more, the energy of the performance still lingers in the air—as lion dance has done since its inception approximately 1,500 years ago (Hulsbosch 112). April 5, 2014. 10:00 AM. I and two fellow Columbia Lion Dance ... ... Kaufman, Scott Barry. "The Real Neuroscience of Creativity." Scientific American. Scientific American, 19 Aug 2013. Web. 7 Apr. 2014. . Khatchadourian, Raffi. "Onward and Upward with the Arts in the Picture: An Artist's Global Experiment to Help People be Seen." New Yorker. 28 Nov 2011: 58-63. Web. 29 Mar. 2014. Montaigne, Michel De. Translated by J. M. Cohen. Essays. London, England. Penguin Books. 1958. Print. Taylor, Diana. "'You Are Here': H.I.J.O.S. and the DNA of Performance." The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in the Americas. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003. 161-189. Print.